今年一月二十一日和五月二十一日，我们特撰两封公开信给您马总统，明确表达我们对司法公正、新闻自由及民主制衡的关切。新闻局长苏俊宾给我们的回复没有针对问题核心；我们也未见到贵政府拿出具体行动解决问题，令人深感遗憾。此后的一些后续发展 ─ 包括正面和负面的 ─ 再次激励我们向您表达我们的意见。
我们相信您和我们有共识 -- 台湾的民主幼苗能够成长茁壮，只有靠自由民主正义及人权的基本原则来培育，建立权责分明，公开透明的的政治制度。此认知亦符合您今年签署，经立法院核准的的两项联合国人权条款的内容和精神，希望能更进一步依照国际法律协会的建议制定为法律，在台湾实行。
Coen Blaauw昆布劳〔美国台湾人公共事务会 〕
Gordon G. Chang〔「即将崩溃的中国」作者〕
Michael Danielsen〔丹麦哥本哈根「台湾一角」主席 〕
June Teufel Dreyer金德芳〔美国迈阿密大学政治学教授〕
Edward Friedman 〔美国威斯康辛大学政治学和东亚研究教授〕
Michael Rand Hoare〔英国伦敦大学退休副教授〕
Christopher R. Hughes 〔英国伦敦政经学院教授 〕
Thomas G. Hughes 〔美国前参议员斐尔国会办公室主任〕
Bruce Jacobs家柏 〔澳洲蒙纳许大学亚洲语言和研究教授〕
Richard C. Kagan柯耕义〔美国翰林大学教授历史系荣誉教授〕
Jerome F. Keating祈润夫〔国立台北大学副教授（已退休）)
Perry Link 林培瑞 (美国普林斯顿大学东亚研究所退休教授〕
Daniel Lynch 〔美国南加州大学副教授〕
Victor H. Mair〔美国宾夕法尼亚大学中国语言和文学系教授〕
Scott Simon 〔加拿大渥太华大学副教授〕
Michael Stainton〔加拿大多伦多York Center for Asia Research〕
Vincent Wei-cheng Wang王维正〔美国里奇蒙大学政治学教授〕
Gerrit van der Wees韦杰理〔台湾公报编辑〕
Stephen Yates叶望辉 〔 DC Asia咨询顾问团主席，前美国副总统国家安全政策顾问〕
President Ma Ying-jeou
Office of the President
Taipei, Taiwan November 9th 2009
Dear President Ma,
During the past year a number of us, scholars and writers from the US, Canada, Asia, Europe and Australia, have publicly expressed to your government our concerns about a number of trends in Taiwan, as well as several specific developments. On November 6th and again on December 2nd 2008 in letters to Minister of Justice Wang Ching-feng, we focused on the issues of erosion of justice, significant flaws in the judicial system, and judicial abuses against members of the democratic opposition.
On January 21st and again on May 21st 2009, we addressed two Open Letters to you, Mr. President, expressing concern about the fairness of the judicial system, as well as erosion of press freedom and democratic checks and balances. We regret to say that the responses received from GIO Minister Su Jun-pin did not adequately address the issues raised, nor have we seen any substantive ameliorative steps taken to correct the problems.
Since then, a number of developments have taken place – some positive and some negative – which prompt us to write to you again to express our views on these issues. We wish to reiterate that we raise these points as strong international supporters of Taiwan’s democracy who care deeply about the country and its future as a free and democratic nation. We also emphasize that we do not take sides in internal political debates, but do have Taiwan’s international image and credibility as an international partner in mind.
Due to the hard work and perseverance of the Taiwanese people, Taiwan was able to make the transition to democracy two decades ago. We applaud this achievement and strongly believe that this basic fact, democracy, is the strongest card Taiwan can play in building and strengthening its relations with other countries around the world and the strongest protection against outside interference in Taiwan’s internal affairs.
We are sure that you would agree with us that Taiwan’s young democracy can only grow and prosper if it is nurtured through good governance, accountability and transparency based on the fundamental principles of freedom, democracy, justice and human rights. This would also adhere to both the letter and spirit of the two UN human rights covenants signed by you and ratified by the Legislative Yuan, and be enhanced by the implementation of these covenants into national law in accordance with the advice of the International Commission of Jurists.
During the past two decades, Taiwan has made major progress in each of these areas. It thus has been a disappointment for us to see an erosion of justice, a weakening of checks and balances in the democratic system, and a decline in press freedom in Taiwan. These trends are reflected in the significantly downward ratings Taiwan received in the annual reports of international organizations such as Freedom House and Reporters without Borders.
They are also reflected in the expressions of concern by international scholars and friends of Taiwan related to the flaws in the judicial proceedings against former President Chen Shui-bian and the apparent lack of neutrality in the continuing “investigations” and indictments of other prominent members of the DPP government. We thus appeal to you again to ensure that measures are taken to ensure the impartiality and fairness of the judiciary.
Good governance, accountability and transparency based on the fundamental principles of freedom, democracy, justice and human rights are all the more essential now that your government is moving Taiwan on a path of closer economic ties with China. We believe that a decrease of tension across the Taiwan Strait would indeed be welcome, but emphasize that this should not be done at the expense of the hard-won democracy and the establishment of human rights in Taiwan itself.
Thus, the process of improving relations with the large neighbor across the Strait needs to be an open, deliberative and democratic process, in full consultation with both the Legislative Yuan and the democratic opposition, and fully transparent to the general public. We are thus pleased to hear that officials of your government have stated that any agreement with China would need to have both a domestic consensus, including approval by the Legislative Yuan, and acceptance by the international community. We trust this process will be open and consultative in ways that respect the democratic traditions begun so promisingly two decades ago.
Indeed, we emphasize that a country can only grow and prosper if it has diversified ties – economically and politically – to other countries. Too close an embrace with one neighbor will expose that country to the risks of volatility in the neighboring country, in particular if that neighbor remains authoritarian and openly disrespectful of Taiwan’s democratic achievements.
Mr. President, we wish to emphasize again that, as international scholars and writers who have followed, supported and applauded Taiwan’s impressive transition to democracy, we feel strongly that Taiwan should be more fully accepted by the international community as a full and equal partner. This can only be achieved if Taiwan ensures that its achievements of democracy are safeguarded, that its sovereignty, human rights and fundamental freedoms are protected and that the democratic fabric of society is strengthened so the country is ready to meet the challenges ahead.
1. Ambassador Nat Bellocchi, former Chairman of the American Institute in Taiwan
2. Coen Blaauw, Formosan Association for Public Affairs, Washington DC
3. Gordon G. Chang, author, "The Coming Collapse of China"
4. Peter Chow, Professor of Economics, City College of New York
5. Stéphane Corcuff, Associate Professor of Political Science, China and Taiwan Studies, University of Lyon, France
6. Michael Danielsen, Chairman, Taiwan Corner, Copenhagen, Denmark
7. June Teufel Dreyer, Professor of Political Science, University of Miami, Florida
8. Edward Friedman, Professor of Political Science and East Asian Studies, University of Wisconsin, Madison
9. Terri Giles, Executive Director, Formosa Foundation, Los Angeles
10. Michael Rand Hoare, Emeritus Reader at the University of London, Great Britain
11. Christopher R. Hughes, Professor of International Relations, London School of Economics and Political Science, Great Britain
12. Thomas G. Hughes, Former chief of staff to the late Senator Claiborne Pell (D-RI), Washington DC
13. Bruce Jacobs, Professor of Asian Languages and Studies, Monash University, Melbourne, Australia
14. Richard C. Kagan, Professor Emeritus of History, Hamline University, St. Paul Minnesota. Author, “Taiwan’s Statesman, Lee Teng- hui and Democracy in Asia”
15. Jerome F. Keating, Associate Professor, National Taipei University (Ret.). Author, "Island in the Stream, a quick case study of Taiwan's complex history" and other works on Taiwan’s history
16. Hon. David Kilgour, former Member of Parliament and Secretary of State for Asia-Pacific (2002-2003), Canada
17. André Laliberté, Associate Professor, School of Political Studies, University of Ottawa, Canada
18. Perry Link, Professor emeritus of East Asian Studies, Princeton University
19. Liu Shih-chung, Visiting Fellow, The Brookings Institution, Washington DC
20. Daniel Lynch, Associate Professor, School of International Relations, University of Southern California, Los Angeles
21. Victor H. Mair, Professor of Chinese Language and Literature, University of Pennsylvania
22. Donald Rodgers, Associate Professor of Political Science, Austin College, Texas
23. Christian Schafferer, Associate Professor, Department of International Trade, Overseas Chinese Institute of Technology, Chair Austrian Association of East Asian Studies, Editor Journal of Contemporary Eastern Asia, Vienna, Austria
24. Scott Simon, Associate professor, University of Ottawa, Canada
25. Michael Stainton, York Center for Asia Research, Toronto, Canada
26. Peter Tague, Professor of Law, Georgetown University, Washington DC
27. John J. Tkacik Jr., former Senior Research Fellow, The Heritage Foundation, Washington
28. Arthur Waldron, Lauder Professor of International Relations, University of Pennsylvania
29. Vincent Wei-cheng Wang, Professor of Political Science, University of Richmond, Virginia
30. Gerrit van der Wees, Editor Taiwan Communiqué, Washington DC
31. Stephen Yates, President of DC Asia Advisory and former Deputy Assistant to the Vice President for National Security Affairs